Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Observatorio (OBS*)]]> http://www.scielo.mec.pt/rss.php?pid=1646-595420190001&lang=pt vol. 13 num. 1 lang. pt <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.mec.pt/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.mec.pt <![CDATA[<b>Hyperlocal Journalism and PR</b>: <b>Diversity in Roles and Interactions</b>]]> http://www.scielo.mec.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1646-59542019000100001&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Hyperlocal media has repeatedly been framed as a potential saviour of local journalism, but the democratic and civic role that often is ascribed to hyperlocals is not obvious or uncomplicated. The hyperlocals' vulnerable economic situation makes them dependent on free content, for example material produced by local councils or organizations. This paper investigates the role of hyperlocal media entrepreneurs and their interaction with local councils and other stakeholders. We examine how the hyperlocal media entrepreneurs supply their communities with news in places of a media void, and how they perceive their role in their communities. Findings from this qualitative study show that the media entrepreneurs view their news production as an important part of the local community. They provide a forum for debate and information for citizens, local governments and organizations. Their service also includes a channel for local events relevant for the community. The interactions with the local governments vary, as well as the hyperlocal entrepreneurs' evaluation of how the information provided by the councils can or should be handled. The relation between hyperlocal media entrepreneurs and local governments is a complex process, including both interrelated and contradictory goals. <![CDATA[<b>Comunicação Política e ONG</b>: <b>o lugar do Jornalismo</b>]]> http://www.scielo.mec.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1646-59542019000100002&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt O Jornalismo constitui, como sabemos, um fenómeno social cujas características decorrem da sociedade em que se inscreve. Por outro lado, os media não apenas constituem o meio através do qual a maioria dos cidadãos estabelece contacto com a realidade não fisicamente experienciável mas foi também capacitada por ela que se desenvolveu uma opinião pública informada. Conhece-lo implica, necessariamente, correlacioná-lo com o sistema social em que está inserido, incluindo a paisagem económico-política em que se encontra. Uma dimensão essencial na valorização da classe profissional prende-se com a sua literacia profissional ou, no caso específico deste trabalho, literacia ambiental, fruto de um processo de educação da atenção, atributos constitutivos das relações estabelecidas num determinado contexto. A essa dimensão é chamada uma outra, jogada na importância das fontes, com a qual a classe estabelece uma relação simbiótica de interdependência. A partir de dados provenientes de seis entrevistas conduzidas ao (reduzido) elenco de jornalistas de Ambiente nos principais meios de comunicação escrita no país, é problematizado neste trabalho o lugar da/o jornalista, encontrada/o entre condições de exercício da profissão decorrentes de mutações nas redacções e um conjunto de interacções negociadas com fontes de cuja agenda se constituem amplificadores.<hr/>Journalism is, as we know, a social phenomenon whose characteristics derive from the society in which it exists. On the other hand, the media not only constitute the means through which the majority of citizens establish contact with the non-physically experiential reality, but it was also enabled by it that an informed public opinion developed. Knowing it necessarily implies correlating it with the social system in which it is inserted, including the economic-political landscape in which it operates. An essential dimension in the valorization of this professional class is related to its specific literacy or, in the case of this work, its environmental literacy, the result of a process of education of the attention, constitutive attributes of the relations established in a given context. To this dimension is called another, played in the importance of the sources, with which the class establishes a symbiotic relation of interdependence. Based on data from interviews conducted to the (reduced) number of Environment journalists in the main print media in Portugal, in a sample of 6 individuals, the work of the journalist is analyzed in this work, found among conditions of practice of the profession due to changes in the editorial staff and a set of interactions negotiated with sources of whose agenda they become amplifiers. <![CDATA[<b>"Who Does Not Dare, Is a Pussy." </b>: <b>A Textual Analysis of Media Panics, Youth, and Sexting in Print Media</b>]]> http://www.scielo.mec.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1646-59542019000100003&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt The social media use of young people has become a site of increasing public interest. Young people experiencing with sexuality and intimacy in digital media spaces, has evoked public debates on youth, sexuality and social media. Sexting in particular, has often been covered in print media articles as a 'risky' youth phenomenon, leading to media panics about the alleged risks of social media. Although the social media use of young people has been studied in previous research, there remains a need to understand the broader cultural discourses on youth, sexuality and social media in print media. With this article, we examine the discourses in news stories covering sexting. The qualitative research design of this paper exists of a textual analysis of print media articles. Our findings show that public discourses in newspapers and magazines mainly articulate youth sexting as a deviant behavior. This deviance discourse is strongly linked to a gendered representation of youth who engage in sexting, resulting in a victimization of girls and criminalization of boys. The article concludes that the binary discourse in print media may not only reinforce sexual double standards, but also leaves little space for a more diverse and active comprehension of sexting. <![CDATA[<b>The Inner Circle of Power on Twitter? </b>: <b>How Politicians and Journalists Form a Virtual Network Elite in Finland</b>]]> http://www.scielo.mec.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1646-59542019000100004&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Top-level politicians and political journalists have been key actors in public discussion necessary for a democratic political system and transparent political decision-making. This article presents an empirical social network analysis showing the connections between Finnish top-level politicians and political journalists on Twitter and the construction of mediated political and media elites in this specific context. The article argues that there is a need to take seriously the Twitter as a medium and the new ways of networking provided by the digital, hybrid media environment in particular. The results of our empirical study suggest that it may even be relevant to talk about mediated elites, which have emerged under the new social condition created by the digitalization of media, culture, and society. <![CDATA[<b>Multimodality and Expressivity in Videogames</b>]]> http://www.scielo.mec.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1646-59542019000100005&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt This article addresses multimodality and expressivity in digital games, from the perspective of audiovisual communication, discussing essential critical dimensions regarding game literacy and experience. An overview on how we make meaning from audiovisual media is presented, to frame the focus on the multimodal cognitive nature of digital games. After comparing film and digital games, we discuss how and why the latter are rapidly becoming more relevant than television, discussing media learning differences between vicarious and enactive representations, and the creative need for children to access networks so as to interact in multimodal communication environments. <![CDATA[<b>Post-truth and intimidation on Twitter during Catalan referendum 1-O</b>]]> http://www.scielo.mec.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1646-59542019000100006&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt La idea de "postverdad" se ha hecho común en el lenguaje mediático, si bien utilizada en ocasiones como sinónimo de mentira y en otras como una tendencia a usar con mayor profusión la argumentación emocional que la racional en la construcción de los mensajes. Al mismo tiempo, existe un creciente uso del discurso intimidatorio en Internet y redes sociales, como una forma -intencionada o no- de acabar con cualquier tipo de debate y, sobre todo, como una forma de comunicación que apuesta por la emocionalidad y renuncia a la racionalidad o la argumentación. Esta propensión se une, al mismo tiempo, a un creciente uso del odio y la intimidación en internet y redes sociales como una forma intencionada o no de acabar con cualquier tipo de debate. En esta línea, el presente artículo analiza los conceptos de postverdad y discurso intimidatorio en el contexto del "proceso catalán" y, en concreto, en el entorno de la votación del 1 de octubre de 2017. Para ello se siguió una metodología cuantitativa, aplicando un análisis de contenido a un total de 573 tuits emitidos entre el 30 de septiembre y el 2 de octubre de 2017. De estos, 150 fueron publicados por trece líderes y portavoces políticos de partidos que contaban con representación en el Congreso de los Diputados y en el Parlament de Catalunya, y el resto eran respuestas de otros usuarios a dichos mensajes. Los resultados corroboran, en consonancia con la idea de postverdad, la tendencia de los políticos a seguir estrategias retóricas basadas en la emoción y los sentimientos. En cuanto a las respuestas de los usuarios, se confirma la tendencia al ataque más que al debate, aunque no se puede confirmar una generalización en el uso de la ofensa y la agresión.<hr/>The idea of "post-truth" has become common in media discourse, although sometimes used as a synonym for lying and in others as a tendency to use more emotional argumentation than rational in the construction of the messages. This propensity is linked, at the same time, to a growing use of hate and intimidation on the Internet and social networks sites as an intentional or unintentional mechanism to end any type of debate. At the same time, there is a growing tendency of using intimidation in the Internet and social networks sites as an intentional or unintentional mechanism to end any type of debate. Moreover, this is a form of communication that bets on emotionality and renounces rationality or argumentation. In this line, this article analyzes the concepts of post-truth and intimidatory discourse in the context of the "Catalan process" and, specifically, in the context of voting of October 1st, 2017. For this, a quantitative methodology has been used, applying an analysis of content to a total of 573 tweets issued between September 30th and October 2nd, 2017. Of these, 150 were published by 13 leaders and political parties spokespersons of parties that had representation in the Congress of Deputies and in the Parlament of Catalonia, and the rest were responses to these messages from other users. The results corroborate, in line with the idea of post-truth, the tendency of politicians to follow rhetorical strategies based on the emotion and feelings. Regarding the responses of users, the tendency to the attack more than to the debate is confirmed. However, a generalization in the use of offense and aggression can not be confirmed. <![CDATA[<b>Uma outra Ameaça Fantasma</b>: <b>a relação entre autor, conteúdos e públicos em <i>The Prequels Strike Back</i></b>]]> http://www.scielo.mec.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1646-59542019000100007&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt As prequelas de Star Wars (1999-2005) são, ainda hoje, obras controversas entre os fãs desta narrativa transmediática. O documentário The Prequels Strike Back (2016) procurou compreender a insatisfação de parte destes públicos, mas também a recepção daqueles que, tendo apreciado a segunda trilogia da saga, se viram inseridos numa cultura de antagonismo aos filmes. Neste artigo apresenta-se uma análise do documentário, centrando-se no modo como a recepção das prequelas foi retratada. O modelo de cooperação textual de Umberto Eco e os conceitos de cultura de convergência e narrativas transmediáticas de Henry Jenkins foram as principais referências usadas na análise. Concluiu-se que apesar de abordar pertinentemente os diferentes elementos constitutivos da proposta do autor italiano, o documentário ignorou uma dimensão crucial para a compreensão da recepção dos públicos de Star Wars: a natureza transmediática de uma saga que não esteve suspensa entre o final da trilogia original e o lançamento das prequelas.<hr/>Star Wars Prequels (1999-2005) are still controversial amidst the fans of this transmedia narrative. The documentary The Prequels Strike Back (2016) sought to understand the frustration of the unhappy part of the audience. It also approached the reception of those who, despite enjoying the second trilogy of the saga, were surrounded by an antagonistic culture towards the prequels. This article develops an analysis of the documentary, focusing on how the prequels' reception was presented. It has Umberto Eco's textual cooperation model and Henry Jenkins' convergence culture and transmedia storytelling concepts as the main analytical references. The article argues that, despite presenting relevant features of Eco's model, the documentary neglects a crucial dimension for understanding the Star Wars audiences' reception: the transmedia nature of a saga that wasn't on hold between the original and the prequel trilogies. <![CDATA[<b>Social networks and promotion of thermal tourism destinations of the Euro-region Galicia-Northern Portugal</b>]]> http://www.scielo.mec.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1646-59542019000100008&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt La eurorregión Galicia-Norte de Portugal conforma el territorio con más recursos termales de Europa, lo cual ha posibilitado la construcción de un elevado número de establecimientos termales, referentes en su sector. Ante el escenario de constante cambio y evolución que ha experimentado el Turismo Termal, las Tecnologías de la Información y Comunicación (TICs) han sido relevantes para optimizar y mejorar la gestión y comercialización de su actividad turística. La presente investigación analiza la importancia de las redes sociales como medio de promoción del turismo termal a través de la opinión de los responsables de los establecimientos termales de Galicia y del Norte de Portugal. Las entrevistas estructuradas a los gestores de los balnearios indicados ha sido la técnica empleada para extraer la información necesaria, la cual se ha apoyado en el uso de la herramienta de análisis cualitativo y cuantitativo MAXQDA 2011. Los resultados evidencian que, si bien la mayoría de los responsables de los balnearios entrevistados coinciden en destacar la importancia de las redes sociales en la promoción online de sus respectivos establecimientos, se aprecia un desinterés generalizado en lo concerniente a su utilización.<hr/>The euro-region Galicia-Northern Portugal is the territory with more thermal resources in Europe, which has made possible the construction of a high number of thermal establishments, benchmarks in their sector. Against an ever-changing and evolving scenario in thermal tourism, Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) have been relevant to improve the management and commercialization of its tourism activity. The present research assesses the relevance of social media as platforms for promoting thermal tourism hanks to the opinion of people responsible for thermal establishments in Galicia and Northern Portugal. The method used was the structured interview to health resorts managers, supported by the use of the tool MAXQDA 2011 for qualitative and quantitative analysis. Results show that, while most of the health resorts managers highlight the relevance of social media in the online promotion of their establishments, there is a general indifference as regards the use of these platforms. <![CDATA[<b>An Empirical Review on the Effects of ICT on the Humanist Thinking</b>]]> http://www.scielo.mec.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1646-59542019000100009&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt The present article shows the results of a content analysis of scientific publications with two main goals - firstly, it is aimed at identifying the way the implications of ICT in dynamics that impact on the humanisation and dehumanisation of our societies are perceived in scientific publications. The second goal is to check if such representations provide continuity to the humanist thinking existing in the historical periods prior to the emergence of ICT. The content analysis is applied to the identification of narrative structure typologies with different arguments. A total of 136 different types of representations have been identified by applying the Systems Theory designed for the sampling of non-redundant systems. They are analysed with logical and structural methodologies that systemise the representations depending on whether they refer to socio-genetic or anthropo-genetic dynamics. The expected effects are identified, and it is verified that - in most cases - they will be considered both humanising and dehumanising. It is concluded that, as regards to the history of ideas, many humanist representations have continuity - they are still in force because they reflect persistent problems which remain unresolved; and there is a breakdown with the humanist thinking proposed by post-humanisms, which propose genetic and digital interventions that alter human nature. <![CDATA[<b>A denúncia política na origem do new journalism</b>: <b>o caso pioneiro de Rodolfo Walsh</b>]]> http://www.scielo.mec.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1646-59542019000100010&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Quinze anos antes da obra seminal de Tom Wolfe caraterizar o new journalism e com uma década de avanço sobre "A sangue frio", de Truman Capote, o jornalista e escritor argentino Rodolfo Walsh publicou "Operação massacre", a primeira de três investigações jornalísticas, que verdadeiramente marca o nascimento do novo jornalismo. Partindo de uma releitura crítica sobre o new journalism, mostramos como esta corrente nasceu fora nos Estados Unidos e como só a hegemonia da língua inglesa explica que o fenómeno seja, geralmente, focado na realidade norte-americana, ignorando outras experiências anteriores. O presente artigo deixa ainda evidente a dimensão política do trabalho jornalístico de Walsh, que constitui uma marca diferenciadora face à maioria dos autores norte-americanos do new journalism.<hr/>Fifteen years before Tom Wolfe's seminal work featuring the new journalism and with a decade in advance on Truman Capote's "Cold Blood," argentine journalist and writer Rodolfo Walsh published "Operation massacre", its first of three journalistic investigations that truly mark the birth of the new journalism. Starting from a critical reading about the new journalism, we show how this current was not born in the United States and how only the hegemony of the english language explains that the phenomenon is generally focused on the north american reality, ignoring other experiences. The present article also makes clear the political dimension of Walsh's work, which is a distinguishing mark compared to other authors of the new journalism. <![CDATA[<b>Quando um Governo de Esquerda assusta os media</b>: <b>A formação da "geringonça" nos jornais</b>]]> http://www.scielo.mec.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1646-59542019000100011&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Perante uma tendência interpretativa crescente do jornalismo político em detrimento de um estilo descritivo, os media têm privilegiado a tática face à substância. Longe de ser um mero observador dos acontecimentos, o jornalista assume protagonismo no jogo político, contribuindo quer para o seu desenvolvimento, quer para a construção da perceção publica do mesmo. Incidindo sobre a formação do Governo do PS com o apoio parlamentar do PCP, BE e PEV - conhecido por "Geringonça" -, olhamos para as capas dos jornais Público, Diário de Notícias, Correio de Manhã e Observador, desde as eleições legislativas de 4 de Outubro de 2015 até à aprovação do programa do Governo a 3 de Dezembro de 2015, procurando captar padrões sobre a narrativa jornalística construída acerca de um processo pós-eleitoral inédito em Portugal. Com um corpus composto por 356 peças (233 capas de jornais e 123 editoriais), neste artigo apontamos para o enquadramento dado a este processo político nas primeiras páginas e para a visão da elite jornalística sobre este período manifestado nos editoriais. Situamos pois este trabalho na área do Agenda-Setting e do Framing na medida em que analisamos a forma como os media apresentam a formação do Governo e as questões que mais salientam durante a negociação política que, no nosso entender, não se podem desligar da maneira como noticiaram os anos de austeridade e a presença da Troika em Portugal. Os resultados mostram que, apesar de derrotado nas urnas, o Secretário-Geral do PS António Costa é a figura principal de um período que é apresentado em torno de dois eixos centrais: Estabilidade (associada à coligação PSD/CDS) / Instabilidade (associada ao PS e à esquerda). Acompanhando a tendência do jornalismo político, é o jogo das negociações e não as políticas em causa que surge destacado pela imprensa cujo discurso dominante chumba a formação de um Governo de Esquerda por motivos económicos e simbólicos.<hr/>Faced with a growing interpretive tendency of political journalism rather than a descriptive style, the media has favoured tactics over substance. Far from being a mere observer of events, the journalist takes a leading role in the political game, contributing both to its development and to the construction of public perception of it. Focusing on the formation of the Socialist Party Government with the parliamentary support of the PCP (Portuguese Comunist Party), BE (Left Block) and PEV (Green Party) - known as "Geringonça" -, we look at the first pages of the newspapers Público, Diário de Notícias, Correio da Manhã and Observador, since the General Elections of October 4, 2015 until the approval of the Government's program on December 3, 2015, trying to capture the patterns about the journalistic narrative about an unprecedented post-election process in Portugal. With a corpus consisting of 356 pieces (233 newspaper covers and 123 editorials), in this article we focus in the framework given to this political process in the first pages and to the view of the journalistic elite about this period revealed in the editorials. We therefore place this work in the area of Agenda-Setting and Framing insofar as we analyze how the media presents the formation of the Government and the issues that most highlight during the political negotiations, which can not be disconnected from the way media had reported the years of austerity and Troika's presence in Portugal. The results show that, although defeated at the election, the Secretary General of PS António Costa is the main figure of a period that is presented around two central axes: Stability (associated with the PSD / CDS coalition) / Instability ( associated with PS and left). Accompanying the tendency of political journalism, it is the game and not the politics in negotiations that is highlighted by the press whose dominant discourse hit the formation of a Left Government for economic and symbolic reasons. <![CDATA[<b>DOAJ Media and Communications Journals</b>: <b>Business Models, Technical Aspects and Involvement in the International Scientific Process</b>]]> http://www.scielo.mec.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1646-59542019000100012&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Despite the open science movement having been actively developing for nearly two decades, the scientific community is still wary of open access journals, especially if their status is not supported by the imprint of a big publishing house. This article discusses the results of research into the websites of media and communications journals registered in DOAJ (the Directory of Open Access Journals). This process facilitated a general understanding of how these journals function, what resources are used to support them and what future prospects they face. During the research, which was carried out from August to September 2018, the websites of 181 journals indexed in the DOAJ database were analysed. 64 journals (35%) also agreed to participate in an anonymous survey, allowing additional information to be obtained. The results showed that almost a quarter of the analysed journals are indexed in the Web of Science and Scopus international citation databases, while 78% of the journals are associated with universities and scientific institutions that sponsor the publishing process. The majority of the journals registered in DOAJ are not run on a profit-making basis. High competition, lack of resources and administrative burdens are among the main obstacles to the development of Open Access journals.